Crime in the Information Age Essay Example for Free

Crime in the Information Age testifyIts not difficult to gauge what the normalplace notions of law-breaking in the United States be. Engage in any(prenominal) polite conversation over dinner or cocktails and one is likely to hear similar themes annoyance is out of reign over, its just not the same ball we grew up in, its not safe to walk dump the street any more(prenominal) than, its a mean world out there, etc. The underlying theme that great regard be drawn from these notions is fear. There is a widespread conception that evil is a rampant worry in this country and that cherry-red abuse and others are on the rise. However, these beliefs are not supported at on the whole by the particulars, even those put on contendds by our own law enforcement agencies. So why then, are just nigh Ameri fuckings so pertain with the threat of red-faced abomination in particular? While the issue to this question is a complex one involving many contributors, the focus of this essay is concerned with the impact of popular media on these eruditions, because the media, it would seem, is one of the most influential contributors to the societal retraceion of evil in this country.The reporting of crime, and specially raging crime, in the news media has increase in frequency of coverage and sensationalized insurance coverage scorn statistical proof that violent crime has been decreasing for many years. This phenomenon is of great concern because how we arrive at our perceptions of our world should be critically examined so insurance policy solutions react to truth not manipulated naturalism.As of 2001 homicides made up one to two-tenths of one percent of all arrests, yet made up 27-29% of crime coverage on the nightly news (Dorfman and Schiraldi). Still one of the most shocking statistics from Dorfman and Schiraldis development states that, Crime coverage has increased while real crime rates have fallen. While homicide coverage was increasing on the entanglement news by 473% from 1990 to 1998, homicide arrests dropped 32. 9% from 1990 to 1998. We can see one indication of the effects of this unrealistic reporting in 1994 when, for example, in a Washington Post/ABC poll respondents named crime as their reckon one concern (far more than any other issue) with 65 percent of those who responded as such aspect that they learned slightly this issue from the media (Jackson and Naureckas). The item is, however, that violent crime has been on the moderate for roughly thirteen years and is estimated to be at a roughly thirty year low (U. S. Department of Justice). The pas quantify graph rom the Department of Justice orders a dramatic decrease in the rates of violent crime beginning in the early nineties ? The National Criminal Victimization Survey, which is conducted differently than the more common Uniform Crime promulgates, essays a decrease in violent as well as property crimes in the United States for more than a deca de (qtd. in Torny 118). The evidence seems to be overwhelming no government issue what the method used for measuring crime rates there is an obvious decrease in crime, specially with respect to violent crime in the United States.These are just a couple of the statistics researchers and academics have compiled over recent years addressing the discrepancy between media coverage of crime and literal crime statistics. So in light of these multiple studies using different methods, how and why is it that media coverage of violent crime has liftn exponentially? Surette explains that crime is both an individual and cultural product (237). There is a correlation between media consumption and support for more harsh criminal justice policies and perceptions of the mean-world view (Surette 196).This supports the possibleness that the more news a person consumes, particularly television news, the less they know about the existing state of the world. Surette explains that while the media cer tainly does have an impact it is not the only factor in creating this finishing of the fear of crime and impacts those who live in a more specifyd environment and consume higher(prenominal) levels of media (200). He also notes that research suggests that those who watch a good deal of television have tump over differentiating between the television world and the real world (204).The media has a descent with fear that can tally with fear fore some viewers (Surette 206). One example of this relationship with fear that the media seems to have can be found in a 1994 oblige in US News and World Report where the authors, in spite of noting briefly that violent crime by all statistical accounts is actually down, names the previous year as the scariest year in American history seeming to assert that the numbers dont matter (Jackson and Naureckas).The article also makes a good point about the contradiction between perceptions of crime and the reality of crime the drumbeat of news cove rage that has made it seem that America is in the midst of its shell epidemic of violence ever. That sense is not supported by the numbers (Jackson and Naureckas). Throughout the rest of the article similar contradictions abound and it is difficult to tell exactly what conclusion should be drawn from it. The causes of crime, as with most crime reporting, are not dealt with in the article while random violence is examined neighboringly (Jackson and Naureckas). intimately violent crime is perpetrated by someone whom the victim knows yet the theme of random violence receives ofttimes more attention in the media (Jackson and Naureckas). The US News piece illustrates how the media engages in a form of double have in mind where despite knowledge of factual evidence indicating a decrease in crime they continue to put forth images that depict violent crime as an epidemic and continue to support perceptions of fear, distrust, and cynicism. This fear mongering often plays into preconceive notions of crime and violence such as racism, ageism, and classism held by some.A 2001 study by Dorfman and Schiraldi found that crimes against African Americans were underrepresented in reporting and overrepresented as perpetrators, white victims tended to receive more lengthy coverage as well. In Los Angeles television news African Americans were 22% more likely to be shown on TV committing violent crimes than non-violent ones despite the fact that arrest reports indicate that African Americans in Los Angeles commit both types of crime nearly equally (Dorfman and Schiraldi).The study also shows how youths are also disproportionately covered 7 out of 10 local TV news stories dealing with violent crime in California had youths as the perpetrators despite the fact that youths commit only 14. 4% of violent crime in that state. Furthermore, half of the stories dealing with minors for any reason involved violence even though only 2% (though due to unreported crimes the actual number m ay be higher) of California youths have been victims or perpetrators of violent crime (Drofman and Schiraldi).The study also found by looking at news reports over the last decade that in Hawaii there has bee a 30 fold increase in the number of youth crime stories despite a steady decrease in youth crime over that same time period. This increased focus on youth crimes has led to increased support for treating juvenile offenders as adults and, especially in instances of more overserious crimes, applying the same retributive punishments previously not applied to young offenders (Glassner 73). These findings show how not only are the medias sensationalized reporting of crime contributing to a false sense or reality for many people, but are also einforcing stereotypes and bigotry. Utilizing these preconceived ideas also intensifies the impact of fear ground coverage. This sense of fear that the media is able to conjure up in certain situations can easily be manipulated by politicians a nd policymakers looking to gain some support. According to Glassner, the more fearful people are of crime the more likely they are to support more punitive justice systems instead of rehabilitation programs. This is especially true with respect to juvenile offenders (72).Glassner further argues that it is interesting that as we cut into funding for educational, medical, and antipoverty programs we begin to grow more concerned about crime and there seems to be what he calls unacknowledged guilt about why crime now seems inevitable (72). While the media is often the target of criticism and blame it has been argued that for the most part the media mirrors public intuitive feeling and can be lateralityled by it (Gans 76). There is evidence however that particularly inhumane crimes or large amounts of coverage of crime can shift public opinion somewhat.For example, polls show an increase in support for the death penalty following news of horrifying crimes (Gans 76). Gans believes tha t despite the fact that the news media is often thought of as having more power than it actually does it may have semipermanent effects on public opinion (88). So, even though the media of course cannot shift public opinion overnight in the long run a shift in coverage of sensationalized crime coverage can have long lasting effects of the political climate around crime policy.If the timber of the media is largely controlled by previously held notions of media consumers then how might the news media correct the public when its beliefs are mistaken? Chiricos examines the effect of object lesson panics which something or someone becomes defined as a threat to societal determine or norms (2). Moral panics are signaled by a rapid increase in the volume of media reporting and are often followed by political action as the public feels that something essential be make (Chiricos 60). Every so often crime and violence becomes the subject of a moral panic in America.Chiricos examines two moral panics occurring in the early to mid nineties crack cocaine and violent crime. some(prenominal) of these stories where covered in much the same counselling as inner-city line of works leaving the ghettos and threatening the middle-class way of life (63). When this issue was framed as a direct threat to suburban America a moral panic followed. When crime was confined to urban areas and ghettos there was little to worry about until the perception became that crack and violence was spreading into areas that were considered to be safe.During this time 49 percent of Americans then said that crime was the most important issue facing the country compared to only 9 percent before the moral panic began to set in (Chiricos 64). The panic was further compounded by reports that these issues were spreading to children which Chiricos notes is a common component of the rise of a moral panic (65). The reaction to these panics was unsurprising. Panics are viewed as sudden problems and han dle with fundamentally inappropriate solutions such as sending more people to prison and building more of them (Chiricos 67).Following moral panics, according to Chiricos, commands are issued by the public (71). The policy ramifications from these moral panics included 9. 7 billion dollars for more prisons, Californias three strikes program, and various repressive laws aimed at adults and children alike in many states (Chiricos 71). These examinations of the medias relationship with public opinion point out how in this age of information the media is an important factor in how we carry out our democracy and decide what issues are important.If this has become the case than there are serious concerns for how the media is serving democracy. Lawrence sees the media as an arena where problems are constructed and there is constant struggle between elites, groups, and the public look to define and address problems (3). What constitutes a problem is companionablely constructed. This is al so true of crime problems. Lawrence is concerned with how problems are socially constructed in the media because when something is defined as a problem facing the country power is conferred upon the social institutions we would likely look to deal with it (5).So, in the arena of the media if crime is framed by elites as stemming from the debasement of society or loss of opportunities for many people then programs and institutions organized for supporting the poor and communities impart be empowered. However, the usual winners in this clash of frames typically define crime as an epidemic problem fueled by a justice system which is too soft on criminals. With this frame politicians must appear tough on crime and power is given to more punitive crime control policies and the prison-industrial complex flourishes as more and more money is spent on warehousing offenders.This further disempowers social welfare institutions as money spent on police and prisons cannot be spent on education, healthcare, or welfare programs. This struggle to define problems can be looked at as a clash of differing realities where immensely different takes on issues exist but one is adopted by the media and then disseminated to the public (Lawrence 5). Lawrence says that the predominate reality held by the most successful definers typically comes from officials within the government (5).There exists a close relationship between government officials and the news media. They are the primary definers and therefore the strongest factor in how we construct the reality of crime (Lawrence 5). This is unhealthy because, with the issue of crime in particular, officials are quick to define crime as an epidemic issue filled with fearful imagery and then act against criminals in Draconian ways. When they construct a reality where they are needed to protect their constituents justice in harmed for the sake of political capital.This manipulation of reality and fear for the sake of power is addressed by Entman but with respect to the war on terror instead of crime and justice. He argues that the elite exert control by hegemony and index (4). Hegemony refers to the way officials release only information that supports the narrow reality that they seek to perpetuate and indexing is how the media glitter this narrow debate among elites quite closely (Entman 5). With this control over public perception it is relatively comfortable for officials to frame issues such as crime or terrorism.When they win the battle to define a problem obvious remedies arise. If terrorism is framed as an attack on our way of life rather than a consequence of our projection of power across the globe then it follows that the remedy is defense and war. Similarly, if elites succeed in defining crime not as a consequence of lost economic opportunities but as a result of naturally deviant personalities then the reaction that follows is to lock up these defective personalities and isolate them from the rest of normal society. The way in which we think about various issues and problems directly affects how we deal with them. closely in society would say that the solution to problems is obvious because it is. What is missed however is the fact that how we think about problems can completely shift the ways in which we deal with them. In order to change policy then the first step is to change the perceptions and the reality surrounding it for officials and the public alike. Lakoff tells us that if we can reframe issues we can create social change (XV). When we change the way the public sees the world, largely through the media, and alter that perceive reality we can change the policies that follow.So why then does the media seem to be so concerned with violent crime and creating feelings of fear and anxiety in its consumers? The reason seems to be sensationalized journalism meant to increase viewership and a system where officials control our perceptions through the media. It needs to be un derstood that passive consumption of the media is unhealthy and we should think critically about how reality is constructed by elites and the media because, that subjective reality directly affects the solutions that are used to deal with our problems.While so many people are given the impression that crime is rampant the underreported fact is that crime has been decreasing for many years. In order for there to be rational crime control policy in the United States we need to have accurate information about the reality of crime in this country. In order for this to happen the media must provide an accurate depiction of crime that is constructed by a fair debate in the public arena of the media. There is a lot at stake in how we perceive the world around us and how we think about crime and punishment.